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\ 

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




009 542 772 8 



SPEECH 



OP 



GOVERNOR ANDW. JOMSON, 



ON THE 



RESTORATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT, 



AT THE MEETINa HELD IN THE HALL OP THE HOUSE OF REPRESKNTA^ 

TIVES, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 31, 1864, TO TAKE 

INITIATORY STEPS TO RESTORE CIVIL 

GOVERNMENT IN TENNESSEE, 



. 'Nasftbtlle, Senn. : 
DISPATCH PRIJSTTING^ CO^ No. 11 DEAJDIGRIOK: ST. 



/ 



^ 3 ^ "* I 



7/ 



RESTOllATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT. 



SPEECH OF GOVERNOR ANDREW JOHNSON. 

AT THE MEETING HELD IN THK HALL OF THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES. 
THURSDAY BVENING, JANUAJIY 21, 1864, TO TAKE INITIATORY STEPS TO 
RESTORE CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN TENNESSEE. 



FELLow-Cnrii;2EN3 : In responding to the call 
that has been made upon me, I do so not for the 
purpose of muking a speech, but eimply to 
enter into a conversiUion, as it were, upon the 
subjects brought to your consideriition here to- , 
night in the resolutions just adopted. 

The time has come v\hen we should begin 
to consider the true policy to be adopted. 
I" know in making ppeeches it is easy to 
make a flourish of trumpets or a display of fire- 
works, and enlertrtin an audience fora time, but 
at present we should be practical. Our business 
now is to commence the restoration of our 
State government, and if I understand the reso- 
lutions adopted to night, I think they cover 
the whole ground. 

Our object is to restore all the functions of 
State governmient. We have been involved, 
or, more properly, engaged, in a rebellion. 
Pwebellions were anticipated by our forefaihers, 
and their suppres-ion provided for. And 
when a rebellion occur.-^ it devolves upon the 
Government of the United States to suppress 
it. Admitting the functions of a State to be 
paralyzed for a time, it does not destroy the 
State, as hag been very correctly remarked. 
In the progress of the rebellion, the governor 
of a State m:iy fiy to seek protection in foreign 
climes, the Legislature may disappear, the civil 
magistrates raay cease to act, but that does not 
destroy the State. Its functions have only 
been paralysed— its powers arc only remaining 
inactive. 

In the 4ih section of the 4th Article of the 
Constitution we find that the United States shall 
guarantee to each State in this Union a repub- 
lican form of government. Instead of pe- 
titioning the President or the Congress of 
the United States — instead of assuming Ibc 
attitude of suppliants in reference to the re- 
storation of the powers of State government, 
ve stand in the attitude of demanding — cl-.iira- 
at the hands of the Federal Government 



t*k" 



iiarantee cf a republicaB form of govern- 



ment. We are no suppliant.^ — no petitioners 
We stand upon the broad platform of the Con' 
stitution, demnnding our rights — that the guar- 
antees in the Constitution shall be secured to 
us-- that is, to secure to us a republican form 
of government. 

We find also in the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States that the President is required to 
take an oath of ofBce. He is sworn to sup- 
port the Constitution of the United States. 
He is bound to see that the laws are faith- 
fully executed, asd he, in the exercise of 
his constiiutional obligatioas, may appear in 
the State of Tennessee in the person of an 
agent — I care not fay what name, either mili- 
tary Governor, agent, or commissioner — but 
he can appear through his agent, and restore 
to the people of Tennessee, and to every other 
S:ate in the Union, a republic an form of gov- 
ernment. He has been sending brave men and 
gallant officers to suppress tijis rebelfio:i, and 
for a time the functions of goveriuu rit in 
this State have been suspended, / ■ have 
no Governor, no Legislature, and l;iit few 
Judges — and we have one of theH> here to- 
night, (Judge M. M. Biicn), who h:'..-j been dis- 
charging his duties in obedience t ^ the princi- 
ples I have been describing. 

But in beginning to restore th.' Government 
— in carrying out the obligations of the Consti- 
tution, preserving and guaranteeing to the 
people a republican form of government, we 
must have justices of the peace, constables, 
etc. There are many here, no doubt, to-night, 
who are not citizens of Tennessee. 
Tliose who are, are familiar with our reg- 
ulations. For instance, our State is divided 
into counties, then civil districts, each one of 
which elects two magistrates and one consta- 
ble. There arft provisions and exceptions 
rai'de for different towns to have addilioual 
ju-ticfs of the peace and constables. We 
will say, by way of illustration, that the first 
Saturday in March has been the usual time for 



the election of all county officers — justices of 
the peace, constables, trustees, sheriffs, clerks 
of the county and circuit courts — and when we 
come to the constitutional basis, would it not 
be clearly constitutional — would it not be car- 
rying out the behests of the Constitution, and 
would the Executive be doing anything more 
than discharging his duty, to say to the people 
oi this State on the first Saturday in March 
next: Go to the ballot-box and elect your con- 
stables, sheiiifs, justices, county trustees and 
clerks. And when elected, let them be com- 
missioned as they oidinarily are. The agent 
of the Government supplies the vacuum. Is 
there anything outside of the principles of the 
Gonstitution in that? Is there any usurpation 
in it ? There must be a beginning t;omewhere. 

Ill the ab.'cnce of government there must be 
steps taken, tiiough they may be irregular, for 
the purpose of bringing back order? Then 
we take a ftep without precedent, but clearly 
justifiable, and proceed to elect our officers as 
we have done heretofore. In looking over the 
various judicial districts of the Siate, we find 
tbem without judicial officers. In turning to 
the laws and Constitution of the State we find 
tbat when vacancies occur by death, resigna- 
tion, or otherwise, the Executive shall make 
temporary appointments, and these appointees 
shall bold their places until their successors 
are elected and qualified. Then we see hOw 
easy the process is. Begin at the foundation, 
elect the luwer officers, and, step by step, put 
the government in motion. But it may be 
said this can't be done in all the counties 
throughout the State. But, if it is done in a 
half dozen counties, it is so much done, and 
tlaat much done we can do more. 

In this connection there comes up a very im- 
jK)rtant question, and that is, who shall be al- 
j'owed to vote? This is the touchstone. And 
let us talk about this in a plain, common sense 
way, and see if we can ascertam who ought, 
and who ought not to vote. I assume that 
an individual who has engaged in thia rebellion, 
who has got his consent to give up the govern- 
ment of the United States, and with his person 
attach his fortunes to the Southern Confedera- 
cy, or to any other Government — I say he has 
been, by his own act, expatriated — at the very 
point of time at which he gets his con- 
sent to take up arms against the Government 
of the United States, he ceases to be a citi- 
zen of the United States. [Applause.] A 
man coming into the United Stattsfrom Great 
Biituin, Ireland, or elsewhere, does not become 
a citizen until he has filed his declaration and 
taken the oath of -allegiance. We describe in 
our lane the process by which he may become 
a citizeu. Renouncing bis allegiance to all 



powers, kings and potentates, thus complying 
wiih our naluralizUion laws, he becomes a citi- 
zen of the United States. We know that a 
great many who went into this rebellion, went 
into it under a reign of terror ; we know a 
great many were conscripted, a great many 
went from interest and speculation ; and oibers 
— the intelligent portion — went into it for the 
purpose of changing the Government and es- 
tablishing an Aristocracy or negro oligarchy. 
[Laughter.] This we know; and now shall 
we act •upon the doctrine that a man can't 
repent, or, upon the Christian principle, 
that a man can conscientiously acknowl; 
edge his error and once fmore become a 
citizen of the United States? This is the 
question. Shall we lay down a rule which 
prohibits all restoration, and by which all will 
be excluded from participating in the exercise 
of the elective franchise? Think: we are told 
thrtt honest men sometimes do change their 
opinions. We are told upon pretty hi^h author- 
ity that sinners sometimes repent, and honestly 
repent; and we are told that in thia repent-* 
ance there should be works meet for repent- 
ance — that there should be some evidence of it. 
That is the condition of the community. We 
want to restore the Government, and the re- 
storing process is that you, the people, must 
go to the ballot-box and exercise the elective 
franchise in so doing. Now let us get at 
it practically. These three gentlemen sitting 
here to-night — who are reporting, I presume, 
arejudges o( an election. We want to elect 
our squires, our constables, our county ofiS- 
cers and our judges. I am speaking of things 
to be done before we get to convention, 
about wliich I have much to say before 
I conclude. What rule will you adopt, by 
which you can tell disloyal from loyal men ? 
Over there I can point to a raaii who has been 
standing out like Saul of old, head and should- 
ers above the rest for the Union, as everybody 
knows. Over there stands another who has been 
equally prominent on the other side. Of these 
two we can say at once that the one may vote 
and the othei may not. But in this instance we 
have got two extremes — we have got a case 
which everybody or anybody can decide with- 
out difficulty. But is the whole community 
in this condition ? You may discriminate for 
a while — these are union men, these are rebels 
— but after a while you approach a line where 
they have not been prominent, and then how 
many can tell which is which ? Will you have 
no test? No rule? Will you confer the 
power upon these judges, to say tbat no person 
shall vote save those that be loyal ? But the'' 
cannot tell; they may act correctly as far " 
their judgment goes. Then again, in adt*" ' 



r 



I tell you you are trusting a great deal, where 
you leave this matter to the discretion of judges. 
They may, in many instances, act right, and 
they may think they act right in all. Here sit 
the three judges ; they look around the neigh- 
borhood and say : " Why, I do not like to 
diflciiminate in favor of one friend and against 
another — I hope he has done right, and if he 
has done wrong, I hope he has repented," 
Then what rule will you establish ? We want 
some standard by which we can put he that has 
been a traitor to the. test, though he has repent- 
ed. Now what will it be ? It is easy to talk 
that rebels shall not vote and Union men may, 
but it is difficult to practice this thing. What 
rule will you establish? I ask the question. 
I want information. I came up here to talk to 
^u, and you to me. 

'I know it has been said by some Union 
men that we should not be placed in the 
attitude of culprits — of men asking for par- 
^ don. I do not feel that you, and you, should 
be required, for the sake of a vote, to ask for 
pardon. I am not a criminal — I have violated 
no law — I have not raised my arm against my 
government. Therefore, I do not want par- 
don. But in the election of officers who are 
to take charge of the government we want 
some test, at least, that the men who vote are 
loyaljand will act with loyal men. In all the 
States of this Union there is a qualification at- 
tached to voters without regard to treason, trait- 
ors, or anything of the kind. And taking the State 
of Tennessee for an illustration, ^hat is the 
qualification ? We find that the person to vole 
must first be a citizen of the United States ; 
' nex-t, he must be a free white man. I want 
you to understand that although I am going to 
talk about negroes presently, I am for a white 
man's government, [cheers,] and in favor of 
free white qualified voters controlling this 
country, without regard to negroes. [Continued 
cheering.] Next, the voter must have been in 
the county six months immediately preceding 
the day of election. Then if we were to say in 
addition, before you can vote, you must take 
an oath something like the following : 
/. I solemnly swear, that I will henceforth 
^ support the Constitution of the United States, 
and defend it against the assaults of all its 
enemies; that I will hereafter be, and conduct 
myself as a true and faithful citizen of the 
United States, freely and voluntarily claiming 
to be subject to all the duties and obligations, 
and entitled to all the rights and privileges of 
such citizenship; that I ardently desire the 
suppression of the present in8urt;ection and re- 
bellion against the Government of the United 
States, the success of its armies and the defeat 
\ of all those who oppose them, and that the 



Constitution of the United States, and all lawg 
and proclamations made ia pursuance thereof, 
may be speedily and permanently established 
and enforced over all the neople, States and 
Territories thereof; and further, that I will 
hereafter heartily aid and assist all loyal people 
in the accomplishment of these resulta So 
help me God. -^ / 

Is there any one, Union at hesft, who can 
object to taking an oath like this? [A voice — 
"None."] Is there a solitary Union man 
who cannot take this oath ? [Yoiccs, "nc, ■ 
no."] Is there any Union man but what 
would take great pleasure in coming before 
the judges of election and take this oath to 
test him who has been warring against hia 
country ? You put him to the test, you don't 
come up asking pardon, but are only giving evi- 
dence of being a loyal and a qualified voter. 
These are simply the qualifications of a voter. 
On the other hand, if there ia anybody in this 
large assembly of voters who needs and desires 
a pardon or amnesty, whether he seeks it in 
jood faith or for the purpose of saving a little 
remnant of negro or any other property, I 
would say to him, " Go over there ; there ts 
an altar for you. There is President Lin- 
coln's altar if you want pardon or amnesty — 
Jf petitioning to the President for executWe 
«lemency. If you want to escape the penalties 
fou have incurred by violatioES of law and the 
tonstitution, go over there and get your par- 
Ion. We are not in need of it ; we wigti 
30t to take that oath ; that is the oath for him 
^ho has committed crime." Now, gentlemeii, 
:t seems to me this will be fair. We want 
I hard oath — a tight oath — as a qualification 
for everybody that votes. He that wants par- 
Ion must take the oath prescribed by the 
President of the United States : and I am free 
;o say that I think the President has been ei^-, 
ceedingly lenient in permitting them to do that. " "^ 
If this will not do, will you suggest something 
that will be better? What standard will you 
erect? Don't stand here and find fault with 
my suggestions and say they will not do ; but 
suggest others that are better and more ac- 
ceptable. I am for a rule that will test a 
loyal man as against a disloyal one; that is the 
rule I am for. I am free to say to you that I 
believe there are many even in the Confeder- 
ate army, many who have deserted, and evea 
some captured, who I believe are hopest and 
byal to -day and regret that they ha^e 
ever been involved in this infamous, diabo3<- 
cal and damnable rebellion. I have had men 
come before me who evinced, by their emotions 
and the tone of their voice, that they were as 
much opposed to the rebellion as I am. If this he 
so, and they are now willing to support thecou- 



stitution, and fight in vindication of it, as far as 
I am concerned, I am willing to admit them and 
give them a fair chance to return. We cannot 
putall in prison ; we can't suspend all upon the 
gallows. No, this is not a war of extermina- 
tion, but a war for the restoration of Gov- 
ernment; and while restoring the Government, 
if we reclaim honest men we have only donel 
our duty. 

If we want to restore the government we, 
must start at the foundation. Having elected! 
our squires, constables, sheriftsand other coun-, 
ty officers, as we can get men to serve, we havej 
got the groundwork laid. Then what will you! 
do next? Now mark : under the 4th clause and 
IV ih article of the Constitution of the United 
States we have a pledge to secure to the States! 
a republican form of government. To carry 
out the spirit and letter of the Constitution, aa 
the people are the rightful source of polilicalj 
power, I should say the executive would have 
the right to invite the people to have a convenJ 
tion to restore government to the people. Then, 
even looking to the Constitution of the United 
States, we have a right to call a convention, 
and have the convention as a means flowing 
Irom the constitution to guarantee the restora^ 
tion of a republican form of government. Wa 
find in the constitution of this State that yoi 
can amend the constitution by the legislature, 
but it takes about six years to amend it in thaj 
way. But when we recur to the bill of rights, 
■p^ieh is a paramount part of our State Consti 
tution, we find that the sovereign people hav( 
the right to alter, amend or abolish theii 
form of government whenever they thini 
proper, and in their own way. This is per 
fectly consonant to the Constitution of th( 
United States, and admits the great principlt 
that all political power is inherent in the pea 
Die. 

I ha ve unfortunately or fortunate]y,a8 the casi 
may be, always been one of those who hold tha 
all power ia inherent in the people, and that tha 
Government is made for the people instead of 
the people being made for the Government; 
as much so, at least, as the shoe is made for 
the foot,in8lead of the foot being made for th.3 
shoe. Government emanates from the people; 
and now, when your Government has been 
paralj zed or its functions suspended, is there 
any belter way that can be adopted than to 
call a convention here ? In other words : let 
x.s have the sovereign present in the shape of 
delegates ; or, were it practicable, to appear in 
a large amphithe.'itre, and know what their 
opinions were in taking the steps to restore the 
workings of government, I would ^ay let the 
people be convened in obedience to the Con- 
stitution of the United States and of the State, 



and in strict compliance with the funda- 
mental principles of our Government, that '' 
power is inherent in the people. Who dare 
say the convention shall not assemble ? Who 
dare say that the people shall not assemble in 
convention '? I know there is a little croaking 
dissatisfaction among some that have been 
nominally Union men, and gome thstjhave 
been Rebels in this hell-born and hell- 
bound rebellion, who, now that they are 
subjugated, after having been instrumental 
in paralyzing to some extent the Govern- 
ernment, and after having helped to pro- 
duce the rebellion, hypocritically say : Oh ! 
they don't want so much disturbince ; — it will 
be too revolutionary to have a convention ; it 
will not do to trust the people with the settle- 
ment of this great question. Let us think^^ 
Give me your attention, and I will show^^ 
you that there is a cat in the meal. They - 
turn to the Constitution as it now stands, 
and say, let us get the Legislature back 
here ; let us patch up things and have no fuss. 
They think of that little clause in our Consti- 
tution which provides that the Legislature 
shall not emancipate slaves without the con- 
sent of their owners. Don't you see ? Then if 
they get the Legislature back under the Consti- 
tution as it is, they think they can hold on to 
the little remnant of negroes that is left — the 
disturbing element that has produced all this 
war. [Applause.] I then say this : Biingthe 
people forward in convention — the source of 
all power — they that made the Constitution, 
and let them act upon this important question 
and upon this momentous occasion. Let us 
have the people here, and when they assemble * 
in convention — when the sovereign is present, 
he can do all that the Legislature can, and he 
can do a great deal more. Have a convention 
here, and it can put your State upon her legs 
in eight and forty hours. It could appoint 
these magistrates, these squires, these sheriffs, 
all the officers, aud carry on the machinery of 
State to perfection in eight and forty hours. 
Let the people come forward and speak, and 
in speaking upon the negro question, my hon- 
est convictions are, that they will settle it, aud 
settle it finally. 

Now, my countrymen,it is not worth while to 
try to deceive each other, and thus play a hypo- 
critical part as the soothsayers in olden times ; 
while practicing their deceptions upon the peo- 
ple, when meeting, would always smile in each 
others faces. I "know there is going to be 
division in Tennessee ; and I tell them 
now, politically speaking, that my sword is 
unsheathed,and it never is to be returned until 
I fall, or until this great principle of free gov- 
ernment has triumphed. [Cheers.] Now is 



the time to settle it. Tfafe question of slavery 
baa been ibe disturbing element in this Gov- 
ernment,and the time has come now to settle it. 
The Rebels commenced the destruction of the 
Government for the preservation of slavery, and 
the Government is putting down the rebellion, 
and in the preservation of its own existencft 
has put slavery dov/u, justly and rightfully, and 
upon correct principles. It attempted to rist 
above the Government, and had it succeeded, 
negroes or their masters would have' controlled 
the Government ; but in making the attempt. 
to control the Government, the mighty car 
of State has moved forward, and the institution 
has been crushed, and thank God for it. [Ap- 
plause.] 

But in this connection I have got a single 
word to say in reference to the brave and gal- 
lant men of Tennessee who have entered the 
service of their country. Is there any one 
who would like to deprive them of the elective 
franchise ? [A voice — "No."] Mr. Lincolcj 
haa done no such thing. He will not require 
these fifteen thousand heroic soldiers, who 
have been fighting the battles of their country,' 
and of themselves constitute more than one- 
tenth of our voting population, to stand before 
him as petitioners for pardon and amnesty. I 
know Lis high appreciation of loyal men, oE| 
justice and right too well for this. I opposeq 
his coming into power. I spoke and voteq 
against him, and though I did this and in favor! 
of another, I believe Abraham Lincoln is 
an honest man, and has done, and is 
doing, ail in his power to preserve this 
Government and put down this inferna; 
rebellion. [Applause.] Render unto Caesar 
the things that are Caesar's. I believe Mr, 
lincoln is a patriot and a friend to his Govern- 
ment ; I believe he is for free Government , 
and so believing, t shall stand by him. It is 
easy to find fault — to complain ; but the nex'. 
question comes up, who would have done bet- 
ter than he has done? [Renewed applause.] 
He is the last man in the United States that 
would wish to circumscribe the privileges of 
the brave men of Tennes-ee in the matter of 
the elective franchise. Is there aTennesseean 
here to-night, though he may have differed 
with me heretofore, who ever doubted me! 
upon this question of free government ? In an 
election for members ofa convention or for coun- 
ty officers, how easy will it be for every Tennes- 
see soldier, if he can hear who the candidates 
are in his district, to vote for the man of his' 
• choice wherever he may bestationed? Wheth- 
er in Middle, or E;i>t, or West Tennessee, his 
voice can be heard and his weight goes into the 
ballot bos in the settlement of this great ques- 
tion. That is the manner in which I want it 



settled. And when it comes to repelling and 
driving back the Rebel armies, then let him 
have on his whole armor — put on his fithseld 
and lock shield with his comrades, and :aev«r 
return till victory perches upon his stan<dairi. 
Who wants to deprive the army from T ijnfflee- 
see of the right to participate in the restoration 
of their Government ? Will anybodw mais;e 
that allegation against me ? Since thifl! rebe! 
lion commenced, who has been huntea, peree- 
cuted, denounced, and calumniated by tihe Re- 
bels? There is not one among the art^oy Cii 
Tennessecans but what knows that I i'owid 
make any and every sacrifice by which tbeir 
interest could be promoted. No, no; who eTf~ 
dreamed or thought of their being deprived os 
participating at the ballot-box — they who have 
done so much for the restoration of the State '■ 

Now upon this negro question, and I knof 
the saying is sometimes bandied about tnat 
you are always prating and saying the negro is 
dead — if he is dead, why repeat it so often? la 
there a man here ihat has observed this tfaisg 
who does not know that the institution of slavery 
in Tennessee is de id ? I have had some com-? 
to me and say, "G ov. Johnson, are you i.;a , 
favor of immediate emancipation?" I te.'I 
them yes. "Do you want to turn the negroes 
all loose upon the country ? What will we do 
with them ?" Why fir, I reply, as far as enaau- 
cipation is conce ned, that has already takeii 
place. Where ara your negroes? They an- 
swer, "They are running about somewhere.'' 
I ask, what do : ou call that? [Laughter.] 
They seem to be already turned loose. Tie 
institution of slavery is turned into a traveling 
institution, and goes just where it pleases. It 'm 
said the negroes are not qualified to be free; 
because they have been slaves so long they are 
unfitted to be freemen, and shall not be per- 
mitted 10 enjoy tl e privileges of freemen ; but 
by way of makin-^ them competent, it is pro 
posed to keep them in slavery nineteec 
or twenty years longer. In the first place 
it WOUI4 not do to have them Iree, be- 
cause they have been slaves, and in the next 
place they should be kept in slavery to qualify 
them for freemen. [Laughter ] 

We were proceeding to put up the State gov- 
ernment — to elect clerks, justices, trustefifl, 
legislature. Governor and other things, that coa- 
stUuted the State heretofore. But the instito- 
tiou of slavery. There it lies; will you take 
it back ? Leav • out the disturbing element 
I say. It is low out; and to put th? 
State in motion, start the machinery and 
leave negroes out of tiie question. [Applause.] 
Then the conclusion is, that in fact negroes at>e 
emancipited in Tennessee to d ly, and the only 
remaining question for us to settle, as pru- 



8 



deni* and wiae men, is in assigning 
the '' negro his new relation. Now, what 
will (that be? There are no more negroes to- 
day t^han there were yesterday — there being no 
morei negroes free than there were slaves. 
The SMime space will contain them in one condi- 
tion ais in another, and the slaveholder need 
not be 'alarmed with the fear that negroes will 
be increased faster than they were before. 
Then t^e negro will be thrown upon society, 
governied by the same laws that govern com- 
munities, and be compelled to fall back upon 
his optn resources, as all other human beings 
arey; The God of Nature has endowed him 
wifth faculties that enable him to enjoy 
X.he result of his own labor. Political free- 
dom means liberty to work, and at the same 
time enjoy the product of one's labor, be 
he white or black, blue or grey, red or green, 
[laughter] and if he can rise by his own 
energies, in the name of God let him rise. In 
saying this, I do not argue that the negro race 
is equal to the Anglo-Saxon — not at all. There 
are degrees among white men ; some are capa- 
ble, others are not ; some are industrious, oth- 
ers are not; but because we find inferiors 
• among ourselves, shall every inferior man be 
assignecPto slavery? If the negro is better 
fitted for the inferior condition of society, the 
laws of nature will assign him there. My own 
conviction is, that in less than five years after 
this question is settled upon the principle of 
hired labor, the negro's labor will be more pro- 
ductive than it ever was. 

The argument used to be that " Cotton is 
King." But I think that idea is pretty well 
exploded. [ Laughter.] For a little experi- 
ence has proven that cotton is a feeble King 
without the protection of the United States. 
I used to tell them that bread and meat were 
King, and if we look over in rebeldom now, 
we will find that a little bread and meat would 
be more acceptable than cotton. [Renewed 
laughter.] 

I hope the negro will be transferred to Mexi- 
co, or some other country congenial to his na- 
ture, where there is not that difference in class 
or distinction, in reference to blood or color. 
If in the settlement of this question the provi- 
dence of God should call a number of them 
there, I say let them go. And about that lime I 
would not care much to see a large portion of 
our gallant sons go along to Mexico, too, 
[Cheers,] and as they approach the city of Mexi- 
co or Jalapa, of which Louis Napoleon has 
taken possession, where he was going to send 
Prince Maximilian to govern, I would like 
our boys to be along there inquiring into that 
affair, and give him to undeistand that while 
we can fight for years and head a monstrous re- 



bellion to boot, he cajjnot come upoa this con- 
tinent to establish a government anti-republi- 
can in its character. We have not yet fulfilled 
our mission. We have got the negroes to dis- 
pose of. We will do that. And we have 
got other things to do. We should teach 
trance and all other powers that we can crush 
down a gigantic rebellion at home, and that the 
Combined armies of the world cannot subdue 
the United States when united. [Loud cheers.] 
I care noli though all nations were arrayed 
against us in one solid phalanx. When the 
masses of the people of these United Stat-en 
stand united we can bid defiance to the com- 
Ijined powers of earth. 

Let us go on in the performance of^the great 
jiission of restoring these States. And I fully 
cpncur in the doctrine I heard advanced here 
to-night, that a State cannot commit suicide — 
a State cannot destroy itself — a State has no 
right to go out of this Union, and the Federal 
Government has no right to put one out. 
Ifone. The doctrine is as dangerous on one 
hand as on the other. If you accept either, 
your Government is destroyed and crum- 
bles into pieces like a rope of sand, by 
its own weight. These States occupy a 
certain relation to the great whole, and the 
great whole to each part. The pans cannot 
destroy the whole, neither can the whole de- 
stroy the parts. It is undeniable : there is no 
way to destroy a State. We find in the Con- 
aitution that you can make States, create a 
government, but there is no way to destroy 
jt. I repudiate the doctrine in toto. It is 
Contrary to the Government of our fathers — 
in emanation of Divinity — and we fail to dis- 
iharge our duty, and commit as great a sin 
ind error in permitting the destruciion of this 
^rovernment in that way, as though we had 
Raised our saciilegious handa'to tear it down, 
i Though it was not my intention to speak on 
{his occision, in conclusion of what I have 
Said, I am free to declare that I am for a 
Convention, after adopting some rule that 
will exclude disloyal and admit only loyal 
men. Under the Constitution, the people 
have a right to meet and appoint dele- 
gates. On the other hand, the President 
of. the United States, through his agent, 
has the light by prodamation to say to the 
people : " On such a day elect so many dele- 
gates to take into consideration the restora- 
tion of the State." As I remarked before, 
sometimes we may do irregular things for the 
sake of returning to law and order. It might 
be irregular in starting, but when the Conven- 
tion get together, they have the right t» 
change, alter, or abolish, their government in 
their own way. I am disposed to think that 



the people, if they were together, would be 
inclined to reaiove the difficiiliies under which 
we liibor. 1 aui willing to trust them. I be- 
lieve they are honest, and especially so in re- 
ference to governmental affairs. And even 
judging men by eelf-iaierest, I am willing to 
trust them, because it is their interest to have 
he best governm-Qt they can get, and they 
will have it. I do not see why a Convention 
could not be trusted as well as a Legislature. 
Who is prepared here to night to hesitate to 
admit tiie great principle that man is capable 
of governing himself? Have any ol you 
reached that point? If vou have, you had 
better go down and join Jeff. Divis ; that is 
the locality for you. [Laughter.] And now 
lam going to tell you a truth, and you know 
what I say is true : If there are any here 
who have lived in the county of Davidson, 
you know many men have been alraid and 
alaimed even to speak upon the negro ques- 
tion wlien the large slaveholders were about. 
Some of you have been deprived of your man- 
hood so long upon this question, that when 
you begin to talk about it now, vou look 
around to see it you are not overheard by some 
of your old misters. [Laughter] 

In 1843, when I was a candidate for Gover- 
nor, it was said, "That fellow Johnson is a 
demagogne -an abolitionist" — because I advo- 
cated a white ba-is for representation — appor- 
tioning members of Congress according to the 
number of quiilified voters, instead of embrac- 
ing negroes. I discussed the question alone, 
scarcely getting a paper to come to my sup- 
port; and hundreds agreeing with me, sought 
main private to give me comfort, but were 
afraid to strike openly. I know all about this 
negro question, and pardon me if I seem to be 
egotistical wlien I say that I am the only man 
that has dured at all times to discu-s it in this 
State ; and now some of you see what I have 
all along foreoihadowed. I have known ihis 
question was coming, and that it was only a 
question of time. Standing alone, having but 
little means to command, and no press, but 
simply relying upon argument, with the great 
mass of the people I was sustained. Running 
against him who was called the " eagle orator," 
a lineal descendant from the forest born De- 
mosthenes, it was expected that I would be 
driven from the contest; but, thank God, I 
have always relied upon one thing : that there 
was a great principle of right lying at the 
foundition of all things ; and that truth is 
mighty and will prevail. Right goes for- 
ward; truth triumphs; justice is paramount; 
^id slavery goes down. [Applause.] And 
I proclaim it, the time has corae, 
4)eing my helper, I am willing to do 



mv part, and am willing to wind up my po- 
liiical career in the final settlement of tliiB 
question. The time has come when the ty- 
rant's rod shall be broken, and the captive set 
free. [Renewed applause.] Then, now is the 
time to strike; and he is a coward who desires 
to remain inactive and will not come forward 
to that altar and worship. [Continued ap- 
plause.] Yet while right is triumphing, they 
talk iibout compromising this question. Compro- 
mise ! Compromise with what ? Compromise 
a great principle! Will you have truth to 
compromise with falsehood? Will you have 
right to compromise with wrong? Will you 
hare virtue compromise with vice? I say, No. 
In the compromise of right with wrong, right 
is Ihe loser; in the compromise of viriui- with 
vide, virtue is always violated. Deity njightas 
well have compromised with the devil, wiio was 
the first rebel, and made war in heaven. No com- 
ptjimise. None. No compromise with traitors 
wlile they have arms in their hands. [Cheers.} 
I jiin no maniac or fanatic upon this question, 
btlt I feel devoted, attached and wedded to great 
pnncip'es. Sometimes I inquire in m> owa 
m nd why this people have had no leader. Pe- 
tej" tbe Hermit led the crusade, but was wild 
d visonary, yet he intended to redeem the 
'oly Latid. The Crusaders had their leader; 
tile Isiaelites had their leader; the Greeks bad 
tleir leader; the Romans had their leader, and 
England had her leader. The I-raelites had 
tl^eir Moses, and have this people got no Moses 
—no leader — or have they to rely for their de- 
liverance upon the establishment of this great 
piiiiciple? Tlie ways of Pi evidence aie in- 
cqmprehensible to short-sighted, erring man. 
Id the vat ious periods of the world's history 
tiiere have been manifestations of a power in- 
comprehensible to us, and I believe that there 
is a direct and important connection between 
t^e moral and physical world, and the one is 
ajiecied more or less by the other in biinging 
about great events. Going back to the history 
df the world, we find events and signs have 
preceded final results. This nation, many 
think, has been involved in a great sin. Na- 
Ijions as well as individuals must sooner or 
later be overtaken for their transgressions. 
Perhaps this rebellion will result in great good ; 
the nation will become chastened and the sin 
femoved. Who cm tell? When we go back 
|o ancient times and run over the pagi s of his- 
tory, what do we find there? We find Pha- 
raoh, after governing the Egyptians with an 
iron rod so many years, there was a rebel- 
lion there; the people were led by Moses to 
tlie shores of the Red Sea, when by the touch 
of his rod the waters parted and stood as a 
wall on either side, and Moses and his follow- 



10 



era passed through dry shod and rpached the 
land of Canian ; whilst. Pharaoh ttnd his chari- 
ots and mi^ihiy hosts proceeded to foU'iw on 
and were lost amid the waves, and v»ere drown- 
ed in the ?ea. I do not say that ttii-* was a di- 
rect or special interposidou of ProTideiice ; 
I will no', undertake to argue that it w.)8 Ihe 
result of a dirine law. I refer to it as a 
great fact that Pharaoh and his ho.^t-< were lost 
ia the Rid Sea in pursuit of those tiyini< to es- 
cape from bondage. If disposed, I mij^ht tike 
you back to Babylon and there look at her f'O- 
ple in their might, or to those mighty walls 
crowded with chariots. Those wills h*ve 
crumbled; Bibyion has gone down, atid is no 
more. I will not say whether it wa.s the result 
of a special providence, or of a general 
law, but I state it as a great, fact. Sone 
great wrong or some great sin had to be "e- 
dreseed. I might take you back to aiicimt 
Tyre, in the days of her freedom and splend>r; 
but all her gloties are no more, and her ru'ns 
are used only as a resort for stiag<rling fiher- 
tnen to dry their nets upon the rocks. I might 
take you back to Hemd, in the d.iys of all liis 
pomp and splendor, when, on one occasion, he 
appeared before the people, and ihey stood 
amazid and exclaimed, " He speaks not as a 
man, but as God." But he was smitten by tie 
Almightv, and eaten by worms. I will not s»y 
whether these were special interpositions of 
Providence or the results of a Di^fine law, bat 
they are great facs. I might call attention ;o 
the journey of Saul of Tarsus to Dnnascts, 
when he was struck blind, as believed by some, 
on account of his per.secuiions of the Chris- 
tians. But I will not siy whether that was 
the result of a special interpo.-ition of Divi le 
providence, or of a general la^v, but it is a great 
fact. I might take you to Jerusilera, and tell 
of the pi rsecutian by the Jews of Christ, and 
bis crucifixion upon the cro^s, and now their 
disper-ion to all parts of the globe I will 
not assume tliat it was an interposition of Ei- 
vtne piovidence, or the result of a general 
law, but it IS a great fact, and the Jews have 
t>een dispersed and rebuked. There are many 
■syays in which the Almighty manifests his pow- 
er. Hi; sometimes unlocks the winds, and rend:^ 
the forests, and strands whole navies upon 
the hidden rocks and desert shores. Some- 
times He manifests His power in the forked 
lightning's glare, and sometimes His miitter- 
inge are heird in distant though threitening 
ip«als of thunder. Sometimes He letsi-ne comet 
loose, which sweeps from one extreme of the 
universe to the other, shaking from its fiery 
tail pesiiU nee and death. There are 

. "Signs sent by God to ;:iark the will of Heaven- 
Signs which bid nations weepaaa be forgiven." 



Does not the mind irresistibly come to the 
conclusion that this^great sin unist be gotten 
clear of,, or result in the oveiihrow and de- 
struction of this nation ? I say, then, re- 
move the evil, obey the la>vs of H.'.iven, ~ 
and always reach a right conclusion. As 
we have commenced the work nt restoring the 
State, let us piofit by past experience, and put 
the government in m )tion now upon correct 
and true principles. Let us go at it honestly. 
I know there are some that aie finding fault 
and thinking about the piac s ol State already. 
We should not be c )ntiolled by consideiations 
of this kind. Let us forget that we have 
been divided into parties; let us commence the 
work of restoiiug and building tlie Govern- 
ment up, and then if we want to (]Utrrel about 
local questiotia or questions of exijedieuuy, we 
will have a Government to quarrel in 

I will remark in this coniifCiion, that about 
the beginning of the rebellion, in conversation 
with Phillip Clayton, Howell ('obb-i, A-sstant 
Secretary of the Treasury, that geiplemao said, 
after we had argued tfie question pro and con : 
"Mr. Johnson, it is unneces-ary to argue this 
question further ; a large p jrdonof the Soiuh is 
unwilling to submit to the ad ninistntioa of 
the government by a man who has come up 
from the ranks as Abrah.tm Lincoln has." 
And let me tell you, there is a good deal of 
this feeling and sentiment in the hear s of the 
leaders of this rebrfllion, beeiuse Abraham 
Linclon rose from the masses. At)raham 
Lincoln is a democrat in principle ; he is for 
the people, and for free govertiment, and so I 
am for him, [Cheers.] and will stand by him 
until this rebellion is put down. There are 
corruptions, of course, in such an immense 
expenditure. But what is a few millions or 
billions of dollars, when contrasted with the 
existence of this Government, and the suppres- 
sion of this rebellion ? What is it contrasted 
with the life and existence of a great nation 
which has not fulfilled iis mission? It 
is easy to clamor and to find fault; but let us 
put the rebellion down, and then, if any body 
has done wrong, we will have plenty of lime to 
punish offenders. 

Gentlemen, I did not come here to speak 
tonight. My intention was not to participate 
in the meeting, but I was anxious to see some 
steps taken which would indicate what you in- 
tended to do. If we have correct prin- 
ciples, it does not need previous consulta- 
tion, and the result will be the triumph of 
those principles. Then take this great ques- 
tion ; it is a question of state — of the existence 
of free government. Take it and tliink about/' 
it. Turn it over in your minds. Which /f^ 
the best way ? What is the b.;st mode ? ^^^ 



11 



shall it be done? I stand where I have al- 
.vrays stood, an advocate of fiee government I 
am for die people having a fair, full, impartial 
trial of thtir ciip ciiy for self government, and 
I have confidence that; they will triumph. 
And if thesf hr ive ofhcers and gallant men, 
with what aid we can give them, will keep ttie 
rebel array from us, or drive them in the Gulf, 
(as I b< lieve ere long they will,) before 
they reich the Gulf, Tennessee will "stand re- 
deemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the 
genius of univeisitl em;incipation." Let those 
of us who are for restoring the government and 
leaving out, this element called slavery, stand 
togeiiier, and in Innguage often repeated, let 
U9 give a long pull, a suong pull and a pull 
altogether, and the nnion sentiment and tree 
government will .-ucceed. We have commenced 
the battle of freedom — it is freedom's battle, — 
and It t me say it i-i not extended to the negro 
only, for this «ill fV.'e more whue men thin it 
will black men. I knew what I say. There are 
men owning slives themselves that will be 
emancipated by this operation. It is not my 
devotion to the black man alone, but a greater 
devotion to the white men and the ameliora- 
tion of their condition. My humanity is broad 
enough for the white and the black man too. 
We have commenced the battle of freedom, 
and — 

" Frecdom''e battle, once bcffun, 
Bequeatlied from bkeding eire to son, 
Though baffled oft, .s ever won!" 

Make high and strong resolves ; let your 
principles go forth to the world, and, though 
slaveowners and negro -drivers, though hell 
stand yawning before you, go forward with the 
banner of Freedom and Free Government; 
pass the fiery cross around, and Freedom will ere 
long triumph, and the triumph, I hope, will last" 
for all time. 

Here in Tennessee, some soy, " Oh, I am 
afraid of the slavery question !" They are so 
afraid of doing wrong that they are afraid to 
do right. Many yet are so afraid of their former 
masters, they still look around to see whether 
Mr. B"U, Mr. Overton, or the Ewings are 
standing about. It is time, when talking about 
restoring slavery, to re.-^tore manhood. They 
know many of them have that taken from 
them which constitutes a man — their manhood 
has been emasculated. Get your consent that 
you have manhood enough to stand up here 
and take hold of the helm of State, and con- 
evince us that vou Hre willing to do it. Let us 
»;pmmence the ^ ork this night. The shackles 

jst fall from the limbs of all. You must 

laws for the punishment and protection 

^•L Law is what we want. There is no 

■^ without law. As an ancient Greek 

\ 



has said, " The love of law is the soul of lib- 
erty." We must have law, and whether the 
black man is here or not, we must have gov- 
ernment. There will be no difhculty about 
this question. I don't care if the negroes go 
to Africa or any other place moie sui:able to 
them— we can make more cotton alter ihey 
are gone than has ever been made in the 
United States before. If you cut up these 
large cotton farms into small sized fi:rms, each 
man with his little family getting hold of part 
of U, on good land will raise his own hogs, 
his own sheep, beef cattle, his own grain, and 
a few bales of cotton, better hindled, and a 
mucli better article than we have ever h;id here- 
tofore. With a greater number of individuals, 
each making a few bales, we will have more 
bale* than ever were made before. And in 
addition to that, if the coi ton-plant was lost, 
the ivorld would not stop, for the vacuum would 
be filled by making a little more silk, wool, 
henjp and flax, and in a little while you would 
never know that cotton had been in the world. 
[Laughter.] It is all an idea, ih .t the world 
can't get along without cotton. And as is sug- 
gesfed by my friend behind me, whether we 
attain perfection in the raising of cotton or 
not, I think we ought to stimulate the culti- 
vation of hemp, [renewed laughter,] for we 
ought to. have more of it, and a far better ma- 
teiial. a stronger fibre with which to ina ke a 
stronger rope. For, not to be malieiims or 
malignant, I am free to say, that many who 
were driven into this rebellion, I believe are 
repentant, but I say of the leaders, the insti- 
gators, the conscious, intelligent traitors, they 
ought to be hong. [Cheers and applause.] 
Treason must be made odious, tnitors 
must be punished and impoveiished. Their 
social power must be destroyed, and the 
effects that give them power and influence must 
be taken away. I trust the time will come, 
when the Union men who have been op- 
oppressed, and the loyal lieiis of those who 
hate perished on the battle field, or starved 
in the mountains, will, to some extent, be re- 
munerated out of the property of those who 
betrayed and tried to destroy thtir country. 
Common sense teaches that the transgressor 
should make restitution. What the common 
sense of every man suggests is but commoD 
justice. 

This would not be considered a very politic 
electioneering speech, but I am no candidate for 
anything. I know some sav that when traitors 
become numerous enough, then treason be- 
comes respectable. I want that class hung to 
test their respectability. [Cheers.] Fellow- 
citizens, I must say in conclusion, [cries of "go 
on,"] that I ana verj much gratified to tad 



/ 



12 



that there has been no dissension here tonight 
as far as I have obserfed. I am proud to say 
that I have not seen the slightest in- 
dication of prejudice or dissension. The 
resolutions as adopted, as I under^ftand th^m, 
I think will cover the whole ground, and if we 
carry out these resolutions I think we can suc- 
ceed in accomplishing the end sought for. I 
am also proud and gratified to see so many 



here participating in this meeting. Let it go 
to the couniiy as an earnest of what is going 
to follow. Things must have a beginning, and 
you have put the ball in motion. I repeat, that I 
feel proud and more than gratified at this de- 
monstration, and in conclusion, tender you ray 
sincere ihanks for your maikcd attention to 
this crude and desultory speech. 



RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT THE MEETING. 



Whereas,— A portion of the people of Ten- 
nessee, having united in the rebellion inaugu- 
rated by the Gulf States against the Govern- 
ment of the United States, lor the purpose of 
estahiishing a Southern Confederacy; and, 

Whereas, Slavery was the disturbing ele- 
ment which enabled wicked men to combine 
and delude the people inio the commission of 
a great crime against their prosperity, thiir 
civil institutions, civilization and humaniy; 
and, 

Whereas, the rebellion thus inaugura.ed 
has prostrated all the civiPinstitutionsof our 
State, laid waste our fair inheritance, swept off 
the harvests and habitations of the husband- 
man and the works of the artjzan, cflffisumed 
"■dtotroyed the internal improvements of 
the States, squandered the public treasury and 
the School Fund provided for the education of 
the poor, borne oflF the youth and manhood of 
the State who have fallen in battle, or surT t e 
ID poverty and suflfering ; and. 

Whereas, It has broken up society from its 
foundation, given loose rein to the wildest pas- 
sions, severed the dearest domestic ties, and 
introduced anarchy and crime, unchecked by 
the salutary restraints of law ; in a word, all 
the best interests of our beloved State lie in 
ruins ; and wretchedness, poverty, terror, aad 
alarm prevail, and are apparent everywlieie. 
At such an hour as this, when broken hearttd 
mothers, bereaved widows, and destitute cr- 
phans, cry out deliverance, cold must his hetrt 
be who is not ready to do all his duty, and to 
make whatever sacrifice necessary to free the 
State from the present evils, and as this onlj' 
can be done by the restoration and permanen: 
establishment of a free government, under the 
guarantees, and in accordance with the provi- 
IgioDS of the Constitution of the United States; 
irherefore, 

? Resolved, That we recognize the authority 
'-nd the duty of the Executive of the United 
"tates, or such agents and instruments as he 
*»^ay constitutionally appoint and employ in 



co-operation with the Legislative and Judicial 
departments of the Government, to ?ecure to 
the loyal people of any State of the United 
States the constitutional guarantee of a rtpub- 
lican form of government 

2. Resolved, That the people, being the 
rightful source of all power of government, 
the welfare of the people of Tennessee will 
be best secured by committing the restoration 
and permanent establishment of civil govern- 
ment to a Constitutional Convention, to be 
cliosen by the loyal citizens of the State; and 
having implicit confidence in the integrity of 
the Hon. Andrew Johnson, Military Governor 
of the State, we submit that he may call such 
a Convention at any time when, in his judg- 
ment, the State may be repres-ented from all 
her pHrts 

3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cjuse 
of all our troubles, and as it is an unmitiiiated 
evil in itself ; and since it may be considered 
dead by the acts of its own friends, that it may 
never be resurrected, to enable a small mi- 
nority to bring the rain upon our children that 
it has upon us ; we here pledge ourselves to 
use all our influence to elect such men, and 
only such men, as delegates to said Convention, 
as shall be in favor of immediate and universal 
emancipation now and for eyer. And we invite 
our fellow citizens everywhere to unite with us 
on this platform, and thus use the opportune 
moment to free ourselves and our posterity 
from the bondage in which we have been so 
long enslaved by the influence of an arrogant 
doomineering artistocracy. 

4 Resolved, That on the call of said Con- 
vention, it shall consist of delegates duly 
elected from the respective Senatorial and 
Representative districta under the last consti- 
tutional apportionment. 
(Signed) W. J. Cochrane, '] 

Wm. R. Tracy, | 
D. D. Dickey, )■ Cov 

JOHH W. BOWKN, I JCt 

B. B. Glascock, J ,a , 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 





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